A Border Region Bank was established in each Border Region, issuing banknotes as the legal tenders. The Bank of Shansi-Chahar and Hopeh (晋察冀辺区銀行) was opened at Wutai (五臺), northeast Shansi on March 20th 1938, just ten days after the opening of the Federal Reserve Bank of China (中国連合準備銀行) by the Japanese. This bank was the first of its kind throughout the Border Regions and issued notes with a denomination ranging from one chiao (角) to five hundred yuan (圓). The amount of notes issued was estimated 200 million yuans (元) in the summer of 1944. The Bank of Chinan (冀南銀行) was opened at Nankung (南宮), central Hopeh, and, after absorbing the Shantang Bank (上党銀行), this bank became the Border Region Bank of CCLYBR. The Bank of Chinan issued notes with a denomination ranging from two to five hundred yuan (圓), and the amount of notes inssued was also estimated 200 million yuans (元) in the summer of 1944. In August 1948 when CCCBR and CCLYBR were integrated into the Hopeh Liberated Region (華北解放区), both banks were unified to the Bank of Hopeh (華北銀行), which was again amalgamated to the Peoples Bank of China (中国人民銀行) in December 1948. Each Border Region Goverment prohibited to circulate or even to keep weipi (偽幣) with heavy punishment. The weipi was another name of enemy's money i.e. Japanese currency including the banknotes of the Federal Reserve Bank of China. They recommended people to drive the local tsapi (雑幣) out of the Border Region or withdrew them with discount. As for the fapi (法幣), the legal tender of the Nationalist Government, the situation was rather complex. As the Red Army had come to receive some amount of fapi after the Coalition of KMT and CCP in 1937, the phrase "safeguard fapi" was inserted in the Basic Political Programme or entitled to the regulation, thus fapi getting the official status. But the Border Region Governments prohibited to carry fapi out of the border line or to circulate within the Border Region, thus preventing them from spilling out of the border. The reason for this was to hinder the Japanese from getting fapi and converting them to war-materials. At the end of 1940, the value of fapi dropped sharply, then under the pretext of Kannan Incident (皖南事件). both Border Region Banks discounted fapi and began to withdraw them. Through these process, pienpi (辺幣), the notes of the Border Region Banks, had become the sole currency of the Border Region. All merchants who wanted to trade with the tichu (敵区) should, first apply to the Board of Trade of each Border Region, and after getting its permission they could obtain necessary currency, i.e., tsapi and weipi from the Border Region Banks. At any time, import of war-materials was given priority and merchants commissioned with importing these goods could obtain necessary currency, even fapi or foreign drafts. Both Boder Region Goverments promulgated their own classified list of import or export commodities combined with customs tariff : duty free (encouraging import or export), levied ad valorem, (limiting import or export), or prohibited. In any case, export of foodstuffs and war-materials were strictly prohibited by each Border Region Goverment.

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The present paper attempts to clarify the basic movements of the Oyama Family (小山氏) of Shimotsuke province (下野国), a warrior clan who, together, with the Ashikaga Family, played a central role as one of the "patrician" families of the eastern provinces during the Muromachi and Sengoku periods. The method of analysis utilized takes on the form of individual investigations concerning consecutive Oyama family heads. As a result of organizing both documents issued and received by these family leaders on the basis of a complete analysis of such objective data, a preinitiation name (osanana 幼名), current name (tsusho 通称), given name conferred at initiation (namae 名前), title in the central goverment (kanto 官途), title in the provinces (juryo 受領), and abbreviated signature (kakiHan 花押), the author attempts to shed light on the fundamental political and historical substance of the generational changes which took place during the resurgence of the clan following the rebellion of Oyama Yoshimasa (小山義政) in the Namboku-cho period. The study begins with Yasutomo (泰朝) and continues through the family headships from Mitsuyasu (満泰), to Mochimasa (持政), Shigenaga (成長), Masanaga (政長), Takatomo (高朝), Hidetsuna (秀綱), Masatane (政種), and Hidemune (秀宗). The investigation demonstrates that not only the objective documentary evidence was born from a regular pattern of change, but also the particular generational changes were in many cases marked by intra-family conflicts. Also, within this historical process the author sees an important function played by the relationship of the Oyama Family to the Muromachi Bakufu government in the eastern provinces (Koga Kubo 古河公方). The conclusion that it was this close relationship to the Koga Kubo Ashikaga Family which determined the political destiny of the resurrected Oyama Family during the Muromachi and Sengoku periods. That is, the decline of the eastern Ashikaga Family power in the late Sengoku period necessarily led to the fall of the Oyama clan and consequently paved the way for its later retainership ties to the Go-Hojo Family (後北条氏).

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Jusqu'a aujourd'hui, les historiens de la Revolution francaise ont peu pris en consideration le debat dense qui se deroulait au Comite d'instruction publique de la Convention nationale a l'epoque de la dictature jacobine (juin 1793-juillet 1794), malgre qu'ils se soient bien interesses a cette epoque. Le but de cet article est, en analysant ce debat, de chercher a eclairer le cadre de pensee commun aux elites politiques et la situation sociale representee par lui. Pour cela, j'ai essaye de verifier les champs de signification de trois mots (education, instruction, enseignement) pendant toute l'epoque de la dictature jacobine, trois mots qui correspondent au mot "Kyoiku" (教育) en japonais. Ce faisant, j'ai abouti a deux resultats : 1)chaos de la signification de chacun de ces trois mots, 2)existence d'un mot dont la signification change et se fixe en depit de cet etat de desordre de la signification ; "instruction publique." Ce mot designait l'instruction dans l'ecole primaire au debut de l'epoque de la dictature jacobine, mais a la fin de 1793 en venait-il a designer l'education par tous les moyens qui pourraient regenerer les moeurs, c'est-adire celle non seulement par l'ecole primaire, mais encore par les fetes nationales, les societes populaires, les theatres, etc. Que signifient ces deux resultats? Tout d'abord, le premier resultat signifie sans doute que ce que signifient les trois mots a ete un probleme nouvellement pose a l'epoque de la Revolution. Comme on le sait, l'Etat monarchique ayant ete constitue comme societe des corps s'est change alors theoriquement en un nouvel Etat se fondant sur l'union des individus-citoyens. C'est pourquoi il est devenu un probleme important pour la politique revolutionnaire de regenerer les hommes et de les rendre dignes du nouvel Etat et de ses lois. Fait remarquable, c'est toujours de regenerer les moeurs qu'il s'agissait en ce cas, parce qu'elles occupaient un domaine intermediaire entre l'individu et l'Etat. Ainsi, le probleme de la regeneration des moeurs etant celui du "Kyoiku" s'est insere au centre de la politique et on a cherche sa solution par tatonnement, ce qui explique le chaos de la signification des trois mots. D'autre part, le changement du champ de sigification de "l'instruction publique" etait en correlation avec le fait qu'on avait fini par tenir compte de l'education du peuple existant, qui ne pourrait pas etre renferme dans le systeme scolaire, au moment du mouvement populaire, et surtout de la dechristianisation en l'an II. En plus, derriere ce changement, il etait aussi question de savoir si le systeme scolaire etait utile comme moyen de regeneration des moeurs, et s'il etait possible de les enseigner. La conclusion de ce probleme a presque ete donnee par le plan de Chenier, on il disait que les moeurs ne s'enseignaient pas et insistait pour que l'education du coeur rendant possible leur regeneration soit executee de prime abord par les fetes nationales. Et on a adopte cette proposition publiquement. Donc, en prenant en main le champ des moeurs, intermediaire entre l'individu et l'Etat, les fetes nationales ont ete "l'appareil ideologique de l'Etat" pour reunifier la societe politique (=l'Etat) et la societe civile (=la collectivite des individus-citoyens) qui venaient de se diviser.

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