Many scholars have pointed out that at the end of the fifteenth century, there were "Heretics" in Novgorod and that they either formed a sect of Judaism, or a group of iconoclasts or antitrinity proponents. However the problem of the heresy cannot be solved without discussing why and how churchmen judged them as heretics. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the process of such judgments. The author not only discusses the private view of the Archbishop of Novgorod, Gennadii (1485-1504), who first "discovered" the Heretics of Novgorod, but also investigate how his view differed from the official one. In the early days, Gennadii discovered the "Heretics of Markion and Messaria," who denied Christ, His Holy Mother and icons, and presented evidence of their heresy at their trial. In 1488, the council of Moscow accepted part of the evidence given by Gennadii and declared the three clerics changed to be heretics. However one diiak (the holy man of the church) was not convinced of this heresy for a lack of sufficient testimony. After the council of 1488, several others, who had settled in Moscow, were seen as heretics. At that time, the clergy of Novgorod was led by a priest of Arkhangelskii, Denis, and launched an attack on Gennadii. In addition to this group, a monk of Pskov, Zakhar, also attacked Gennadii and accused him of heresy. These counter-accusations were effective because Ivan III, the grand prince of Moscow (1462-1505), and the metropolitan Zosima of Moscow (1490-1494), were not very close to Gennadii, who immediately reaccused those groups as heretical. At the council in 1490, Gennadii's re-accusations were not accepted at first ; however, when the bishops who took part in the council arrested Denis and took him to the trial, Zakhar, Denis and the other clerics were condemned as the same heretics. It was this stage that finally Gennadii's orthodoxy was settled.

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This paper addresses the issue of the emperor's political action within the context of the Dajokan cabinet system of the early Meiji period. The autor analyzes documents from the emperor's imperial tour of the country (junko) and probes his relationship to Dajokan cabinet councilors (daijin and sangi). In Part I, the focus is on the 1876 nationwide tour to show that documents regarding this event were handled differently from usual Dajokan procedures in this case under the authority of the attending councilor. Iwakura Tomomi. Part II identifies changes in decision-making procedures that occurred during the imperial visit of 1877. A new secretariat (shokikan) was established, and the Dajokan moved into the temporary imperial residence at Akasaka. As a result, the Dajokan and the emperor in a sense merged, and documents now bore the official seal signifying the emperor's approval. In December, a cabinet decision enabled Dajokan councilors (sangi) to inform the emperor directly of his duties and in the process, the Dajokan was transformed into an organ entirely centered on the emperor. Part III analyzes the imperial tour of 1878. The documentation attests to the fact that the cabinet now conceived of the tours as a way to bolster the authority of "His Majesty's government". During the first decade of the Meiji era, Dajokan ministers (daijin) had the power to make decisions and participated in the imperial tours as servants of the emperor. Beginning in 1887, however, ministers participated in order to bolster the emperor's authority and testify to the legitimacy of his decisions.

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In the present article, the author takes up the structure of the lime market around the city of Edo during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. At the time, there were three different brands of lime being traded : Hachioji-produced quarry lime, Yashu-produced quarry lime and Edo-produced oyster shell lime. At first, the lime that was consumed in Edo proper was produced with fiscal assistance from the Tokugawa Bakufu in the form of loans and the use of its pony express system for transport. The most popular brand at that time was Hachioji lime being produced in the northern part of present day Ome City and the southern part of present day Hanno City. From the Genroku era on, the lime merchants of Edo proper took on the role played by the Bakufu before that time and took control of the lime trade through two exchanges, one at the point of production for shipping, the other in Edo for supplying the Bakufu and managing distribution. Later, in the midst of the expansion of oyster shell lime in Edo and the introduction of Yashu lime, these new production points were able to compete with Hachijoii lime through Bakufu mediation, by taking on the burden of transportation and joining the Hachijoji lime exchange to eliminate other competitors ; and in 1775 the three producers formed a monopolistic triad controlling the whole Edo lime market. 0ver the twelve-year period beginning in 1751, as the result of Yashu lime dealers undertaking transport duties from the Hachioji traders, the later came to recognize the significance of that aspect more clearly, and in 1762 the revived exchange was transformed from the headquarters of the Edo lime merchants to the central market for lime producers. Within this process, the former Edo merchants declined in their roles as suppliers of production capital and exchange managers. Moreover, from 1775 onward, the oyster shell lime producers became the financiers for the production of Hachioji lime and eventually a structure was formed consisting of a wholesaling mechanism for the three points of production and a lime merchant guild controlling distribution within Edo proper.

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